Consumption patterns and lifeworlds: using the example of convenience food

Schleicher, Florian

Consumption patterns and lifeworlds: using the example of convenience food

by Florian Schleicher (Author)

Sociology - Consumption and Advertising

53115

Summary

This paper offers remarkable insights into the German food market and its consumers. A solid theoretical foundation is laid by classical as well as modern authors. The works of these authors form the basis for the theoretical analysis on a social determination of taste. In the following, the field of sociology of consumption is taken into account and analysed.<br>In the practical part, consumers are researched using lifeworlds as a tool of categorization of German households. In the market research economy, lifeworlds are widely perceived as an appropriate tool for researching present and future market developments. The analysed empirical data on purchasing behaviour was provided by the market research study Typology of Desires 2010. Results in the direction of a social determination of taste offer valuable perceptions for theorists and practitioners alike.

Excerpt

Introduction

If someone ever stayed in the supermarket catching a glimpse in the other persons' shopping

baskets, questions such as "Why does this person buy these things?" or "What is the reason that

I consume different aliments than the other does?" may have arisen. In the framework of this

paper it will be shed light on a question whose response does not have solely impact on

sociology of consumption but also on topics different from sociology regarding the coherence of

social origin and consumption behaviour.

In the first part, I spread out the relation of sociology and consumption. At first in a literal

understanding and at next its development as a subfield of sociology. The second part

constitutes the basis for deeper empirical analysis. Foundations are laid by Bourdieu and Ritzer

and the conception of lifeworld. Lifeworld forms the basis from which further deeper empirical

analysis is started from. In the last part, I conduct analysis of consumption behaviour with the

help of descriptive statistics, contingency tables, and odds ratios to arrive at a deeper insight on

the market of convenience food and its consumers.

Part I: Consumption and Sociology

The first part of this work consists of a definition of the field of the study. A closer look is laid

on the literal signification of consumption and sociology. This forms the frame, within which, in

the next step a short outline of the history of sociology of consumption shall be given. Sociology

of consumption is a subfield of sociology which increasingly gains importance in present market

economies in various fields such as market research, consumer research, and social research.

Definition of the field of study

At the core of the topic of consumption patterns and lifestyles stands the notion of sociology of

consumption. According to Max Weber, sociology is "the science whose object is to interpret

the meaning of social action and thereby [to] give a causal explanation of the way in which the

action proceeds and the effects which it produces. By "action" in this definition is meant the

human behaviour when and to the extent that the agent or agents see it as subjectively

meaningful." (Weber 1991, p.7)

Whereas this definition of sociology apparently focuses on human kind and its actions, the

notion of consumption according to Wiswede (2000, p.24) contains a meaning which focuses on

human action as well, namely that consumption is the purchase and private usage of economic

goods and services. By directly contrasting the meaning of sociology and consumption one is

even more astonished why sociology of consumption by academics is labelled to be quite

underdeveloped as these two notions seem to be predestinated to work together.

So, sociology of consumption can said to be the sub-discipline of sociology aiming at

understanding, interpreting and explaining the purchase and private usage of economic goods

and services.

Emergence of sociology of consumption

Among sociologists there is consensus that to sociology of consumption cannot be allocated a

stringent development. Shove and Ward (2002, p.230) argue that the development of the field of

sociology of consumption did not follow a stringent line and name classical authors such as

Weber, Veblen and Simmel. It is as Wiswede (2000, p.26) puts it that this field of study is rather

underdeveloped, fragmented and strongly influenced by social criticism.

Wiswede dates the beginning of this development at the 1950s when above all the work of

Riesman, Denney and Glazer laid the foundation for research in this area. The book of Riesman

The lonely crowd : a study of the changing American character was actually published in 1950

and can be seen as a milestone in the history of social sciences.

The next crucial step, as Wiswede mentions, had been in the 1960s when for the first time the

notion of "consumer research" and the category of "social and cultural determinants of

consumer behaviour" appeared. Whereas in these years the first works had been published that

directly connected sociology and consumption, Wiswede mentions that these had been less

academically and more marketing oriented. (Wiswede 2000, p.26-7)

At next, regarding Wiswede, in the 1970s sociology of consumption experienced an upswing.

In these times, writers had been above all Germans such as Hörnig, Hillmann, Wiswede,

Scheuch and Scherhorn. Nevertheless, he accentuates that these did not have a longstanding

influence on sociology of consumption. (Wiswede 2000, p.27)

Ward and Shove (1998, p.230) name Bourdieu and his elaboration on the cohesion of position in

society and lifestyle as one landmark in the young history of consumption sociology. These

authors further argue that since this sub discipline of sociology was not considered as an

autonomous field, analysis of consumption accidentally emerged in the context of sociology. It

was rather seen as a by-product and did not stand in the focus of interest. At this point Shove

and Ward (1998) mention Castells and his work The Urban Question: a marxist approach. In

this book Castells analysed collective consumption and the role of the state. Further numerous

publications emerged in the direction of consumer culture, as for instance Lury, C., 1996.

Consumer Culture. Cambridge: Polity Press. and Slater, D., 1997. Consumer Culture and

Modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press.

In the 1980s and 1990s, Wiswede (2000) identifies a significant upturn of topics in the realm of

sociology of consumption in connection with lifestyle research. Lifestyle research can be

associated with sociology of consumption as by many sociologists diverse lifestyles are defined

via consumption styles. (ibid.)

Part II: Why do we eat what we eat?

Having laid the foundation, in this section mainstays are put in order to have a solid and stable

basis from which empirical analysis can be made. Bourdieu (1984) serves as the guide for the

methodological direction of investigation. Ritzer (1993) offers the appropriate view for

understanding actual processes in society and the selection of the object of interest. Finally,

lifeworld stands for the conceptual background for the later approach for practical research.

Principal questions that are seen as threads during this elaboration are concerning determinants

of our purchase of nutrition. What are the factors behind our daily food consumption? Why do

we eat what we eat? How is taste constructed? From a sociological perspective, what are the

reasons behind daily purchasing behaviour?

The Social Construction of Taste

The question if taste is learnt independently of the social class of origin, or whether the

adherence to the higher or lower class determines taste and life-style, had been one guiding

question in Pierre Bourdieu's analysis of the French society in the 1960s and in later years. In

1963 and 1967-68 Bourdieu conducted a survey on 1217 individuals. Bourdieu's questionnaires

and analysis aimed at revealing consumption patterns of French households, i.e. "...to determine

how the cultivated disposition and cultural competence..., vary according to the category of

agents and the area to which they applied..." (Bourdieu, 1984, p.13). At the beginning of the

formation of taste, there is socialization. In order to know whether for example a child does not

like to go to the theatre because his or her parents do not like to go, or whether a child's habits

are developed independently of its parents' preferences, one needs to take a closer look at the

process of socialization. With regard to Elkin (1960) socialization is "...the process by which

someone learns the ways of a given society or social group so that he can function within it"

(Elkin, 1960, p.4). During the process of socialization, Elkin (1960) further argues, behavioural

patterns, values and feelings are learnt and internalized. From the example given above, the

child learns the stance to take towards a visit of a theatre.

Which holds for a visit of a theatre can be broadened to nearly every good and practice. Between

the final consumption of a good/service and socialization, Bourdieu (1986) inserts the concept

of habitus. Whereas, socialization is determined by the social environment the individual lives

in, habitus, among other things, is determined by socialization. More explicitly, habitus shall be

seen as a kind of transmitter between the capacities to practice, to produce, to work and the

capacity of taste, to the ability to make judgements of other individuals' practices, one's own

actions and, according to Bourdieu (1984, p.170), to employ a "...system of classification of

these practices." The before mentioned capacities can be said to equate general acting. This

acting defines and determines the habitus and is primarily conditioned by socialization. The

latter judgements on practices and system of classification can be seen as products of habitus.

This kind of organizing the environment results in behaviour and is finally expressed in life-

style. Habitus is differing from one person to the other, since habitus finally depends on an

individual's conditions of living, of existence, after all on socialization. These translated

conditions of existence into habitus become presented via life-style. But habitus is not just a

means to the end of life-style. It holds that on the one side, habitus structures acting and its

perception, and on the other side, this perception is defined by classification which is an

internalization of class differences. However, a social class, to which a certain habitus adheres,

does not define its values, its tastes, its practices etc., emanating from beliefs or opinions about

their own, solely rooting in socialization. Social classes define themselves, based on impressions

from themselves and on impressions to other classes, so on class differences. A social class is

placed in a social space, and within this space, its position is determined by the intensity of

differences to other classes. These differences are differences arising from habitus of the

different classes. (Bourdieu, 1984, p.

170-2)

Habitus becomes apparent in life-style and is thereafter recognizable by others, defining their

own position. With regard to the obviousness of habitus, Bourdieu (1984, p.173) notes that

habitus creates practical metaphors. He calls it practical metaphor as all individuals belonging to

the same class, possess the same style which makes every person a metaphor of the other.

In other words, all members within a social class are characterized by the same practices and

goods, which makes individuals analog to each other. "Taste, the propensity and capacity to

appropriate (materially or symbolically) a given class of classified, classifying objects or

practices, is the generative formula of life-style..." (Bourdieu, 1984, p.173).

In his book Distinction A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, Bourdieu further

distinguishes between the dominant class and the working class, sometimes also called

dominated class. This dualistic distinction is caused by the unequal distribution of economic and

cultural capital. Whereas the dominated class in comparison to the dominants is characterized by

having relatively less cultural and economic capital, within the dominant class Bourdieu (1984,

p.173) further differentiates regarding the relative holding of these two forms of capital. Class

fractions, as he calls these subdivisions, are characterized by different asset structures,

signifying the composition of the total amount of capital, in economic capital and cultural

capital. According to Bourdieu (1986, p.47), cultural capital in the context of his works can take

three forms. At first, in the form of the constitution of mind and body. Secondly, in material

form via cultural goods such as pictures, books, etc. Finally also in an institutionalized state,

which implies graduations and educational certificates. Economic capital is much simpler to

grasp. It merely contains everything which is directly convertible to money and could be

institutionalized, as e.g. property rights. (Bourdieu, 1986, p.47)

Not by accident, Bourdieu (1986) denominated the working class as dominated class and the

upper class as dominant. The body as a "...materialization of class taste..." makes this

predominance of the upper class most evident (Bourdieu, 1986, p.190). Bourdieu (1986, p.384)

states that if the dominated class were able to perceive their own body with the eyes and the

values of the dominant class, fundamental principles of class affiliation and class identity were

affected and questioned. The different rapports of the dominant and dominated classes to their

bodies is representative for many other realms in life. The dominated class does not have any

chance of long-term resistance to the imposition of preferences by the dominant class, except in

the case of a formation of loyalty to its being and its position in the social hierarchy. By taking a

look at the goods consumed by the working class, according to Bourdieu (1986, p.386), the

impression arises that the working class tries to copy the dominant class. Bourdieu names

affordable copies of luxury goods as indicators for the phenomena of imitation of the life-style

of the dominants. Actually, the possible reactions of the dominated class towards its position

and its standing in relation to the dominant class, falls into the extremes. Whereas on the one

end, the choice is self-determination, self-confidence, and emancipation from its own standing,

on the other side dominates obedience, compliance and dependence. The actual attitude by the

working class stands in contrast to "...collectively regaining control over social identity"

(Bourdieu, 1986, p.384). From the perspective of the working class, consumption patterns are

strongly influenced and because oriented to the dominant class, indirectly determined by these.

Because of the fact that consumption behaviour finally is the consequence of habitus, and

habitus can be traced back to taste, consumption behaviour is an expression of taste. From

Bourdieu's (1986, p.79) stance, the formation of taste takes its beginning with infant learning.

Taste is conditioned by the social class one adheres to. These individuals, which are forming a

social class, by Bourdieu (1986, p.56) are identified to have the same sort of taste. Because all

individuals within a social class share the same sort of taste, taste evolves to an instrument of

distinction and similarity. Hence, taste unites and separates humans. With regard to this

formation of social classes arising from the distinction of taste, Bourdieu (1986, p.466) remarks

that taste functions as a "sense of one's place." It functions as a leader in the social space,

directing to the position in society adjusted. Based on these achievements of taste with regard to

the adherence to social class, finally between middle class and working class different

consumption behaviour of convenience food, as an expression of life-style and taste, may be

observable.

The following part on Weberian rationalities identifies a development in society which Ritzer

labels McDonaldization. Whereas Weber distinguishes between different forms of rationality in

life, Ritzer recognizes these as dominating and critically assesses this development. Based on

the fundamental principles of The McDonaldaization of Society, convenience food is chosen as

the object of research for this work. As a consumer good, it best fits this development of

rationalization in society.

Weberian rationalities

In the Weberian sense there are different types of rationalities: practical rationality, theoretical

rationality, substantive rationality, and formal rationality (Weber, 1968). Each of them has its

distinct characteristics and is applicable to different aspects of life.

-practical rationality-

As the name already indicates, this type of rationality is oriented towards human action. An

action is practically rational if the individual decides strategically what the best mean or action

may be in order to achieve his goal. According to Weber (1958, p.284), modifications of the

practical rational oriented action occur when, on the one hand, means for the attainment change

and, on the other hand, when religious dogmas prevail. Whereas a faithless individual, for

example, may worry and directly engage in the reparation of an act committed, Catholics go to

confession, asking for remission. Beliefs in god and the afterlife change considerably rationally

oriented acting. (Weber, 1968, p.551)

-theoretical rationality-

Theoretical rationality principally aims at a rationality through theoretical models and concepts.

It is that all cognitive processes constitute theoretical rationality, or also called intellectual

rationality. At the bottom of this kind of rationality stand philosophers asking metaphysical

questions regarding everyone's being and existence. According to Weber (1968, p.451), this

kind of thinking by the great philosophers of history played a very important role in forming the

ground for theoretical rationality, and hence for critical thinking. (Kalberg, 1980, p.1153-4)

-substantive rationality-

Substantive rationalities are systems organizing everyday life. These systems are closed, i.e.

they do not directly influence other realms of life, and consist of single actions aiming at the

preservation of these systems (Weber, 1968, p.44-45). Because of the fact that these systems are

based on personal opinions and views which guide actions, Kalberg (1980, p.1157) speaks of a

"radical perspectivism". Furthermore because personal preferences and the resulting actions are

consistent with each other, they can be considered as being rational. An example may consider a

family. The opinions a person has with regard to the topic family and its preservation, he or she

guides his/her actions in this direction (Kalberg, 1980, p.1156-7). Substantively rational action

may be the donating of a present to a family member. Substantively irrational action, in modern

times, is clouting of a family member.

-formal rationality-

This type of rationality concerns an organization, or, as Kalberg (1980, p.1159) calls it, a

"structure of domination". These forms of organizations are artificially created and are based on

the presence of legality. Laws, rules and regulations represent the basis for formal rationality

and denote a detachment from times that were characterized by arbitrariness and inequality.

Formal rationality presupposes equality before the law. Forms of organizations in which this

basic principle is applied are not limited to a certain sphere of life, instead they are extending

over economic, legal and scientific domains. A bureaucracy can be identified as the type of

organization with the purest form of formal rationality (Weber, 1968, pp.975). (Kalberg, 1980,

p.1159-60)

Processes of rationalization, according to Weber, are generally not following a certain path or

pattern constant through different societies. Instead, because of the fact that a society finds itself

in a continuing interaction with others, rationalization processes are taking place at different

"sociocultural levels" and in different spheres of life. It is even that when a process of

rationalization can be detected in the domain of politics it does not need to be the case that

simultaneously the same development is taking place in economic life, or any other realm of

life. (Kalberg, 1980, p.1150-1) The aim of rationalization is the coping with reality, with the

help of arranging irregularities in society, in systems that award humans with security and

implicitness. This results in the negation of irregularity and arbitrariness, and an affirmation of

regularity and rationality (Weber, 1968, pp.1186). The latter mentioned outcomes of rationality

are these aspects which in Ritzer's (1993) view make up the cornerstone for the

McDonaldization.

McDonaldization

George Ritzer in 1993 further developed and practically applied the aforementioned theory on

rationalization. He identified four notions standing behind the curtain of today's society.

Everyday's events, from going to the supermarket, to eating until watching TV, can be

considered from each of these notions. The sum of the resulting impressions and interpretations

can be labeled as McDonaldization. Efficiency as the first of four aspects mainly stands for less

input for the same or larger amount of output. Calculability implies an appreciation of quantity

relative to quality. The third notion, predictability, considers the fulfilment of expectations via

technology. Replacement of humans and human labor force is the object of interest of the last

notion, control.

-Efficiency-

According to Ritzer (1993, p. 35) efficiency signifies "...the choice of the optimum to a given

end." But because of the fact that optimum shall not be understood literally, but rather as the

nearest possible to optimum, there is always reason for increasing efficiency. Such an increase

in efficiency can be reached by certain means. Efficiency also implies the choice of the best

means to a given end. The best means or routines adopted then become institutionalized. Since

these means arise in different social settings in which the human being is set in, means are not

universal but socially conditioned. Here, according to The McDonaldization of Society, a special

role is applied to the fast food restaurant. By the fast food restaurant, this striving for efficiency

is turned into a "near-universal desire". (Ritzer, 1993, p.35)

Ritzer (1993) pronounces the increased efficiency of fast food restaurants compared to cooking

at home or going to a restaurant. Cooking at home presupposes a "trip" to the supermarket,

buying the necessary ingredients, driving home, cooking, etc. These steps are far from being

efficient. At a restaurant, despite the fact that the time waiting for dinner probably takes less

time, persons usually spend more time with eating, talking and drinking. People do not rush

through restaurants and therefore eating at a classic restaurant cannot be considered as efficient.

However, it needs to be admitted that the motivation to go to a restaurant is much different than

being sated most efficiently.

On the other side, fast food restaurants are highly efficient. Routines of employees as well as

customers are advanced and do not contain any losses of time. Parking places are near to the

restaurant and according to Ritzer (1993, p.38), although one has to stand in a line, "food is

quickly ordered, obtained and paid for." The menu does not offer that many choices, and

because food can be eaten with hands it is quickly consumed. A further advance has been

introduced with the drive-through. Through this invention many inefficient steps on the way to

an easy and fast meal had been eliminated. One was not forced to park his car, to walk to the

restaurant and to stand in line, but could remain seated in his car, directly drive to the counter,

pay, receive the food and eat. In other words, the inputs for the output of satiation became

largely reduced and this equals a large increase in efficiency. (Ritzer, 1993, p. 38)

Ritzer (1993, p.35-62) gives multiple examples in order to clarify the predominance of

efficiency, beginning with wireless keyboards and ending with self-service slurpees. He further

considers the invention of kitchen equipment by which efficiency gained access to the field of

cooking. McDonaldized kitchen equipments made cooking far more efficient, as e.g. with the

help of the microwave it became possible to heat meals in one or two minutes which otherwise

would have required a comparatively long time. Convenience food, in the context of the

invention of more efficient kitchen equipment, appears as the appropriate kind of food in order

to increase efficiency as much as possible. Eating at home cannot be more efficient than

consuming convenience food, since the input of work compared to the output received cannot be

any higher. In this context, because of the always increasing predominance of efficiency, Ritzer

(1993) holds the opinion that in the near future home cooking will face total extinction. The

salvation of eating at home is the microwave. Although using the microwave implies a

preceding trip to the supermarket, a fully cooked meal

is seen by Ritzer as the most efficient

meal at home.

The focus on efficiency as it is brought up by Ritzer, had its most famous precursor in the age of

the industrial revolution, namely through Henry Ford and the assembly line. At an assembly

line, workers stayed directly next to each other and carried out single tasks which represented

one step in a complete process of production. By carrying this out, it became possible to largely

increase production. "...[F]actory could produce 1,000 cars in a day, a level never before seen."

It is not that the mere introduction of the assembly line had led to the leadership in the

automobile industry Ford experienced in these times, but also the idea of vertical integration.

Vertical integration implies that all parts of a car are produced at the same company. (Krebs,

2003, p.16) According to Ritzer (2003, p.59) the invention of the assembly line had a huge

impact on past as well as present times' production processes, since movements to complete

tasks had been strongly reduced. Workers just have to stand still and work, even the task of

carrying the component to the next worker is done by the machine.

-Calculability-

The second pillar of McDonaldization is calculability. Generally speaking, calculability denotes

a development which emphasizes quantity and disregards quality. Ritzer asserts an equalization

of quantity and quality in present societies (Ritzer, 1993, p.62).

With the example of Burger King, Ritzer (1993, p.66) claims that "Hamburgers must be served

within 10 minutes of being cooked. French fries may be allowed to stand under the heat lamp

for no more than 7 minutes. A manager is allowed to throw away 0.3 percent of all food." This

illustrates quite well how much fast food restaurants, and also other entities in society are

accentuating calculability. Factors that appear to be calculable, countable, quantifiable and

generally measurable in numbers are coming to the fore. Ritzer is speaking of the Big Mac as

the symbol to apply the idea of calculability, since, as the name indicates, the customer is

Fully cooked meal is one branch of convenience food.

expected to assume that he gets a lot for less money (Ritzer, 1993, p.62). One receives large

quantities of food with low quality ingredients.

According to Ritzer, there are numerous examples in daily life which are needed to consider in

order to fully grasp how far actually this predominance of calculability goes. In the realm of

television the vice-president of programming for the TV channel ABC adequately characterized:

"Commercial television programming is designed to attract audiences to the advertisers'

messages which surround the programming... . Inherent creative aesthetic values (that is

quality!) are important, but always secondary." (Ritzer, 1993, p.68) In this context pilots shall be

noticed, which are used in order to measure the attractiveness of further TV productions. The

underlying decisions to continue producing are based on calculable ratings received by

consulting firms.

Although Ritzer explicitly pronounces the effect of the principle of calculability on present

societies, the impact of time and its measuring especially on the production process had been

discovered much earlier. Frederick Taylor had been the real precursor. His so called Time Study

smoothed the ways for considering time as a determining factor in the production process. In the

late 19

century, the height of the industrialization in the United States of America, Taylor

measured the time a "first-class man" needed to perform his tasks in a fabric. Based on the

foregone time measurement, Taylor calculated and set the time for completing a certain task in a

production line. The goal of this study was to stop wasting time by the employees and to

increase efficiency. (Ferguson, 1997) Results finally were published in his book "The Principles

of Scientific Management", which is said to be the ancestor of modern management theory.

The concept of calculability stands in tight relation with convenience food. On convenience food

packages there is always written the time for the meal needed to stay in the microwave, oven,

pot, etc. in order to be servable. The customer is able to calculate the time needed for the

preparation of the meal. Exactly this calculability of time makes this type of nutrition so

attractive for the consumer. One can eat whenever one desires to with the advantage that it is not

needed any longer to organize daily routines around mealtimes. Instead, with convenience food

it is made possible to put nutrition in time gaps with the schedule is offering. In the end, this

may lead to the dissolving of classic mealtimes.

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Pages
Type of Edition: Erstausgabe
Year: 2014
ISBN (eBook): 9783954897476
ISBN (Softcover): 9783954892471
File size: 402 KB
Language: English
Publication date: 2014 (April)
Keywords: Sociology of consumption Food consumption Consumer research Convenience food Lifeworlds

Author

Florian Schleicher (Author)

Consumption patterns and lifeworlds: using the example of convenience food

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Author

Florian Schleicher (Author)