Assessing the Role of Globalisation in the Rise of New Right Attitudes in Germany and Italy
©2016
Textbook
47 Pages
Summary
This study examines the role of the various processes entailed in globalisation in the rise of the New Right in Italy and Germany. The first section aims to clarify what is meant by the term globalisation, for it is more easily used than defined. Thus, several perspectives, such as those of the tranformationalists and the hyperglobalists, are taken into account. Then, economic and cultural globalisation, considered to be the most influential forms of globalisation, are analysed in depth.
The second part specifically examines the Italian and the German cases by analysing the political and ideological discourse of successful New Right cultural movements and parties, such as the Italian Northern League and National Alliance. This analysis explains the difference between the populist New Right and the extreme right, and how the rise of New Right parties can be linked with the strengthening of cultural and economic globalisation.
The second part specifically examines the Italian and the German cases by analysing the political and ideological discourse of successful New Right cultural movements and parties, such as the Italian Northern League and National Alliance. This analysis explains the difference between the populist New Right and the extreme right, and how the rise of New Right parties can be linked with the strengthening of cultural and economic globalisation.
Excerpt
Table Of Contents
representatives sit in local, regional, national, and European Parliaments, their leaders
appeared as guest shows."
5
This paper will attempt to explain how it is possible that,
sixty-three years after the terrible atrocities of the Second World War, the radical right
has managed to regain popularity and to play an important role in the Europe of the
21
st
century. Radical right and extremist movements in general are not new to post-
war Europe, yet the current wave of new right populist attitudes is not sporadic as it
was in the past. Instead, it represents a transnational phenomenon that involves
several Western European countries, such as Italy and Germany. This paper will take
a similar view to `the Contemporary Europe Research Centre's' (CERC) argument
that "both globalisation and national populism are undoubtedly significant phenomena
in the European politics of the 21
st
century" and that "globalisation is one of the main
causes of the recent rise of national populism in Europe.''
6
In addition, national
populist parties are often not seen as anti-globalisation movements, which are
traditionally associated with left wing and anti fascist groups that have demonstrated
against the meetings of `institutions of globalisation' (e.g. G8 meetings) in various
cities including Prague, Genoa, Seattle, and Gothenburg. Nevertheless, the national
populist parties in the European Parliament have been the most successful opponents
of globalisation, even though the term itself is often not used in their party programs.
Italy and Germany have been chosen as case studies for various reasons. First, they
are both prominent members of the European Union, which has often been described
as a perfect example of political and economic cooperation, as well as of cultural
openness and interconnectedness. The EU has always been seen as an institution that
advances notions of a cosmopolitan international community. At the same time,
however, support for national populist parties appears to have increased in both
countries. In Italy, for example, Umberto Bossi's anti-globalisation and anti-
immigration Northern League Party has won the recent national elections by joining
Berlusconi's conservative coalition, and has established a new own record by winning
almost 10 per cent of the total votes. In Germany, if on the one hand the main New
Right political party, the Republikaner, has not had any relevant influence, on the
other the New Right cultural movement has increase in popularity and has attracted a
5
Betz Hans-Georg, `Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe' (London: The Macmillan
Press, 1994) p (preface)
6
Mudde Cas `Globalisation: The Multi-Faced Enemy?' CERC Working Papers Series No. 3/ 2004 p 1
4
sizeable portion not only of the population but also of prominent politicians,
academics, and journalist from the more moderate centre-right. The second reason
why Germany and Italy have been chosen is that the constitutions in both countries
are strongly antifascist as they were constituted on the ashes of the respective fascist
regimes (Germany and Italy have constitutions provisions which forbid attempts to
reconstitute fascist parties), so until recently, nationalism and everything related to it
was often considered a taboo, and radical right parties were always obscured. Most
observers and political analysts believed that the military defeat of Hitler's Germany
and Mussolini's Italy had put an end to the radical right movements, political parties,
and ideologies in general. Even though essential differences remain between the
fascist parties in the inter-war period and the recent rise of New Right parties since
the latter "do not ideologically oppose liberal democracies"
7
, however they do share
similar views in regards to the importance of the nation and the homogeneity of the
people.
The first part of this paper will attempt to define globalisation, since it is more easily
used than defined, and analyse its most important features in order to understand how
these can affect society as a whole and how these can give rise to nationalistic
attitudes. By doing so, this paper will try to justify the argument that even though
there are numerous factors to take into account when observing the rise of New Right
attitudes and sentiments, the various processes of globalisation play a fundamental
part in motivating citizens to turn to the radical right. The second part of this paper
will focus specifically on the Italian and the German case by explaining the political
and ideological discourse of both the New Right parties, such as the Italian Northern
League and National Alliance, and cultural movements in order to comprehend why
they are the primary opposers of a globalising world. Thus, this part will look at
globalisation and its relation to notions such as nationalism, xenophobia, and `welfare
chauvinism.' The final section of the examination will briefly look at the rise of the
New Right in other Western European countries such as France, concluding that it is
more widespread than is believed and that globalisation, together with other factors, is
one of the leading causes of this rise.
7
Zaslove A. `The Dark Side of European Politics: Unmasking the Radical Right' Journal of European
Integration Vo. 26 No. 1 March 2004 p 63
5
Chapter I - The Challenges in a World of Globalisation
Since the end of the Cold War the term globalisation has been used repeatedly by
politicians, journalists, academics, managers, and bankers across the world. It has
become a buzzword that some use to describe everything that is happening in the
world today. Globalisation is regarded by many as one of the greatest challenges
facing humankind today. The former first Director-General of the World Trade
Organisation (WTO), Renato Ruggiero, once stated that globalisation is a reality
"which overwhelms all others"
8
and the former Secretary-General of the United
Nations pointed out how "arguing against globalization is like arguing against the
laws of gravity."
9
In the aftermath of 9/11 and the consequent `war on terror' carried
out in Afghanistan and Iraq, there have been several disputes over whether the era of
globalisation is over or not. On the one hand, we find intellectuals such as J.R. Saul
and Justin Rosenberg who believe in the `collapse of globalism'
10
and that `the age of
globalisation is unexpectedly over'
11
. On the other hand, political analysts Steve
Smith and John Baylis observe how the events of 11 September 2001 "probably more
than any other single event, brought home just how globalised is the contemporary
world"
12
and how the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq "have been further clear examples
of what it means to call the current era a globalised one." Moreover, globalisation has
been a matter of dispute between hyperglobalists and ultra-sceptics that have
opposing views regarding the extent of its development. Globalists, including
economists Friedman and Ohmae, argue that globalisation is the most important
reality in contemporary history as it marks the beginning of a new era
"characterised
by the inevitable and positive consequence of the worldwide triumph of free market
capitalism and Western liberalism."
13
Sceptics such as Hirst and Thompson, on the
other hand, dismiss its significance arguing that there is no empirical evidence
regarding the worldwide impact of globalisation and that by comparison with the
8
WTO-2 (1996b) `Ruggiero Calls for Trading System to be Kept in Line with Globalization Process'.
WTO press release, 22 February
9
"'Diplomacy can be effective', says Secretary-General Interview," UN Chronicle, Spring, 1998
10
Saul, J. R. `The Collapse of Globalism', (2005, London: Atlantic Books)
11
Rosenberg, J. `Globalization theory: a post-mortem', International Politics Vol. 42 (2), 2005 p 2
12
Baylis J. & Smith S. `The Globalization of World Politics', (2005, Oxford: Oxford University Press)
p 1
13
Pick D. `The reflexive modernization of Australian Universities' Globalisation, Societies and
Education, Vol. 2 , No 1, March 2004 p 5
6
period 1870 to 1914 the world is much less globalised economically, politically, and
culturally.
14
Between these two extremes, a more cautious approach has been taken by
transformationalists like Anthony Mcgrew, who regard globalisation as an important
trend which coexists with other major developments and has a differentiated impact
upon individual states. The transformationalists' view that "although there exist
important continuities with previous phases of globalization, contemporary patterns of
globalization constitute a distinctive historical form which itself is a product of a
unique conjuncture of social, political, economic and technological forces,"
15
is
perhaps the most objective and accurate one.
Globalisation is a slippery, contested, and heavily loaded concept so it is not
surprising that it initiates intense debates. In normative terms, globalisation has been
linked by some with `progress, peace, and prosperity;' for others, it is synonymous
with `deprivation, disaster, and doom.'
16
But how do we define globalisation in
descriptive terms? A peasant activist in Thailand once exclaimed that "we don't know
what globalization is, but we have to act!"
17
These words perfectly symbolise the
confusion, uncertainty, and contradiction surrounding the debate on globalisation,
demonstrating how "it is impossible to avoid the issue, but difficult to specify what it
involves."
18
To start with, globalisation can simply be considered a historical process
characterised by the "widening, deepening, speeding up and growing impact of
worldwide interconnectedness."
19
In fact, a globalised world is one in which
"political, economic, cultural, and social events become more and more
interconnected, and also one in which they have more impact."
20
This increased
global interconnectedness of the world has initiated a process of `time-space
compression', caused by various factors, which will be briefly examined.
Firstly, the world has been `shrinking' due to the "`stretching' of social, political, and
economic activity across the political frontiers so that events, decisions, and activities
14
Hirst P. & Thompson G. `Globalization in Question: The International Economy and the Possibilities
of Governance' (1999, Cambridge: Polity Press)
15
Held D., Mcgrew A., Goldblatt D., and Perraton J., `Global Transformations' (1999, Cambridge:
Polity Press) p 429
16
Scholte J. A. `Globalization: a critical introduction' (2005, London: Palgrave Macmillan) p 14
17
Ibid p 1
18
Ibid
19
Mcgrew A., `Globalization and global politics' in Baylis J. & Smith S p 19
20
Baylis J. & Smith S p 8
7
in one region of the world come to have significance for individuals and communities
in distant regions of the globe."
21
Moreover, the growing "extensity, intensity and
velocity of global interactions is associated with a deepening enmeshment of the local
and global in so far as local events may come to have profound global consequences
and global events can have serious local consequences, creating a growing collective
awareness or consciousness of the world as a shared social space, that is, globality."
22
For example, the recent mortgage crisis in the USA has affected the worldwide
economies by causing the world's largest banks to lose billions of dollars, giving rise
to panic, disorientation, and instability on the world financial markets. Another
example are the various civil wars and conflicts occurring in instable regions like the
Middle East (Iraq and Palestine) or sub-Saharan Africa( Darfur), which augment the
number of asylum seekers and illegal immigrants flowing into more stable or
developed countries.
Secondly, the intensification of worldwide interactions has been prompted by its
increased speed linked to the availability of modern and advanced technology. As
David Held and Anthony McGrew have pointed out, globalisation is being intensified
by the "accelerating pace of transborder interactions and processes as the evolution of
worldwide systems of transport and communication increases the rapidity or velocity
with which ideas, news, goods, information, capital and technology move around the
world."
23
The invention of new systems of communication and transport, such as
Internet, satellite television, mobile phones, e-mails, faxes, jet airplanes, and high-
speed trains, have created a `global village' by linking millions of individuals across
the world.
Globalisation, however, is not only about an increased interaction between people. It
is a process that affects us in very different ways. Today globalisation is being blamed
for terrorism, global warming, unemployment, and numerous other factors. Some
observers have asked themselves whether there is anything in the current era that is
not caused by globalisation.
24
If on the one hand globalisation should be considered as
an asymmetrical process as it has an unequal impact on different parts of the world,
21
Held D. & McGrew A., `Globalization/Anti-globalization' (2007, Cambridge: Polity Press) p 2
22
Mcgrew A., `Globalization and global politics' in Baylis J. & Smith S p 22
23
Held D. & McGrew A., p 3
24
Mudde C. p 3
8
however, on the other hand, it has significantly affected Europe, including Germany
and Italy, in respect of economy, governance, and identity. More precisely, as
political analysts such as Berger and Huntington have stressed, it would not be
erroneous to speak of `globalisations' since there are various dimensions of the
process. The next section will examine the economic and the cultural dimensions, for
they both have a notable influence on the rise of nationalist sentiments, which have
benefited new right parties and organisations across Europe.
Economic globalisation: Liberalisation
Most analysts have focused on economic globalisation arguing that it is much more
extensive than is cultural globalisation. While this point of view is without doubt
questionable, it is safe to say that over the past thirty years "the network of trading
relations, the globalisation of production (in particular, multinational corporations)
and the growth of foreign direct investment (FDI) have grown at unprecedented
levels."
25
Today, economic globalisation has developed on a historically
unprecedented scale as national economies are currently much more enmeshed in
global systems of production and trade than in any other preceding epoch. More and
more states are vulnerable to the volatility of global financial markets and, therefore,
"markets have become globalised to the extent that the domestic economy constantly
has to adapt to global competitive conditions."
26
Furthermore, there has been a
general reduction if not abolition of capital controls, foreign-exchange restrictions,
and regulatory trade barriers, which has attempted to create an open and borderless
world economy.
27
Globalisation has made it possible for capitalism to become more
widespread and durable more than ever before, strengthening its position which has
become prevailing in the world structure of production. According to Scholte,
globalisation has played a major role in the advent of `hypercapitalism': "the
expansion of commodification and the greater organisational efficiency of
25
Graziano P., `Europeanization or Globalization?', Global Social Policy, Vol 3 (2) Sage Pubblications
p 174
26
Held D. & McGrew A p 110-111
27
Scholte J. A. P 16
9
accumulation have created a situation that can suitably be termed hypercapitalist."
28
Moreover, the `technological revolution' in transport and communication mentioned
before has changed the ways in which surplus accumulation occurs: "globalisation has
brought a new world division of labour, a rise of regionalism, greater concentration of
production in giant corporations, more accumulation through consumerism and
finance capital, and a move from a Fordist to post-Fordist regimes for the control of
labour."
29
Hence, it is not surprising that the intensification of transactions and organisational
connections crossing national boundaries is considered by most observers as `the
cornerstone of globalization.'
30
This intensified development of economic
transnational relations has undermined the role of the state in a significant manner. In
this respect, Susan Strange has pointed out how state authority "has leaked away,
upwards, sidewards, and downwards'' and sometimes "just evaporated,''
31
while
analysts such as Camilleri, Dunn, Ohmae, Baumann, and Schmidt consider
globalisation the main responsible for the `crisis' of the nation-state. Norman Lamont,
a former British Chancellor of the Exchequer, once said that due the conditions of
globalisation, "politicians and governments too often give the appearance of being in
office without being in power."
32
Globalisation is certainly not the sole reason for the
overshadowing of the state and it has not threatened the existence of the state, but it
does have a huge impact. In a globalising world, sovereignty has attained a different
meaning, with governance shifting away form the traditional Westphalian system and
moving towards a `multilevel' form of governance.
This rise of supraterritoriality has often triggered nationalist reactions. Many
nationalist critics argue that priority must be given to the re-establishment of self-
determination of the nation-states by separating them from global economic activities,
reason being that a globalised economy has calamitous consequences such as
uncontrollable fluctuations in foreign exchange rates, stock prices and other financial
28
Ibid p 158
29
Ibid p 23
30
Evans Peter `The Eclipse of the Sate?Reflections on Stateness in an Era of Globalization' World
Politics Vol. 5.1 (1997) p 3
31
Strange S. `The Defective State' Daedalus Vol.124 (Spring 1995) p 56
32
Assinder Nick `Is Cameron the real power?' BBC News website 4 February 2008 Accessed on
10/03/08
10
values that can instantaneously devastate lives.
33
Europe must in fact be rebuilt
around "solidly reinvigorated national states that cooperate defensively against the
evil and dangerous consequences of globalisation"
34
, which is by its very nature
extremely unsafe, unsustainable, and unacceptable and has negative consequences.
National populist, who believe in economic nationalism and `welfare chauvinism':
`the economy should serve the nation and should be controlled by it, while a welfare
state is supported, but only of the own people.'
35
Hence, they consider it harmful for
national interests, primarily because a "global market means that foreigners could
influence the national economy"
36
and cause high rates of unemployment. Indeed, in a
global economy in which capital, labour, production, markets, information and
technology are structured supranationally, high rates of unemployment are affected by
intense competition, which is "played out globally, not only by the multinational
corporations, but also by small and medium-size enterprises that connect directly or
indirectly to the world market through their linkages in the networks that relate them
to larger firms."
37
This causes individual governments to lose their ability to control
national economies, but it also severely affects the work force.
Unemployment has grown rapidly in Europe and elsewhere as numerous companies
`relocate and downsize' in order to compete globally. Full employment has more
often than not become unrealisable with some analysts, including Aronowitz,
DiFazio, and Rifkin, foreseeing a `jobless future' and `the end of work'.
38
Many
Europeans worry about losing their jobs due to the new economic world order and the
global competition from Asia, Latina America, and the U.S, but also from internal
competition as a consequence of the EU enlargement. Helle C. Dale found out that
"the private sector in Europe has almost stopped producing new jobs since the 1970s,
and twenty million Europeans are unemployed."
39
According to a recent poll
undertaken by GfK, a German market research firm, in Italy over thirty eight percent
33
Scholte p 16
34
Gingrich A. 2006 p 200
35
Muddle C. p 5
36
Ibid p 6
37
Castells M., `The Informational Economy in the New International Division of Labor' in Carnoy M.,
Castells M., Cohen S.S. and Cardoso F.H. `The New Global Economy in the Information Age' (1993,
University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press) p 19
38
Scholte J. A. P p 32
39
Dale H. C., `Challenges Facing Europe in a World of Globalization', Heritage Lecture # 914,The
Heritage Foundation , November 28, 2005 p1
11
of respondents felt that unemployment was the most pressing problem, while in
Germany over eighty percent suffered the same anxiety.
40
Germany and Italy, both at
the heart of the Euro zone, are "stagnating economically and yet seem unable to come
to grips with the liberising changes needed in a world of globalization, competitive
labour markets, and the mobile capital demands of our economies."
41
These figures indicate that the process of economic globalisation, which has played a
fundamental role in transforming Western democratic societies with the transition
from a modern industrialised to a post-industrial form of capitalism, has left many
European citizens in a precarious condition. A substantial part of the population is
incapable of coping with the acceleration of economic, social, and, as the next section
of this examination will illustrate, cultural modernisation. As Ralf Dahrendorf has
pointed out, many people are threatened to become useless ("those whom the full
citizens of society do not need") since they do not have the skills required in a modern
and globalised economy.
42
Analysts such as Reich even speak of "high-tech elites
ruling a jobless nation," arguing that in the current era, characterised by the shift from
mass production to a specialised production, from the industrial sector to the service
and information sector, and from mass consumption to `specialised consumption,' the
number of unemployed has reached unprecedented levels.
43
Paul Kennedy has
highlighted other shifts in the economic sphere, linked to economic globalisation,
which have increased uncertainty: "the rise of unaccountable global corporations and
unregulated and uncontrollable financial markets; the ability of corporate
interests...to impose their own changing grids of multifaceted activities regardless of
national borders onto certain world regions; the pressures and worldwide insecurities
associated with growing economic rivalry between industrial nations."
44
Those who
find themselves in a precarious condition, often labelled as the `losers of
globalisation', often pin their hopes on radical right parties, which manage to attract a
sizeable portion of the less advantaged through their populist slogans. Holmes
illustrated how in a globalised economy `fast-capitalism' results in the growth of job
40
GfK Press release, `Anxiety about unemployment, concerns about inflation and fear of crime',
Findings of the GfK survey, Challenges of Europe 2005 p 1-3
41
Dale H. C. p 1
42
Cited in Schmitter H., `A Comparative Perspective on the Underclass', Theory and Society Vo. 20
1991 p 460
43
Ibid
44
Kennedy P. & Danks C.J. `Globalization and National Identities' (2001, London: Palgrave) p 7
12
insecurity which then leads to the drastic decline of the support for established left
and right mainstream parties across Europe: "neo-nationalisms in Europe are directly
related to, and have to be analysed in relation to, all central developments of a
globalised fast-capitalism."
45
This declining economy security in Europe as a result of globalisation has also
increasingly encouraged the growth of racial intolerance in society at large. To
paraphrase Wrench and Solomos "the current increase in racism, and the changes in
its form and character, are closely linked to the process of rapid economic, social and
political change affecting the population of western European countries."
46
In fact, as
Stephen Castles points out, "The increased salience of racism... reflects the rapid
change in living and working conditions, the dissolution of the cultural forms and
organisational structures of the working class, and the weakness and ambivalence of
the state."
47
Cultural globalisation and national identity
Another characteristic of globalisation that plays an important role in reviving
nationalistic sentiments and New Right attitudes is its profound impact on national
cultures and identities. Samuel Huntington has rightly pointed out how "cultural
characteristics and differences are less mutable and hence less easily compromised
and resolved than political and economic ones."
48
Moreover, Robert Lieber and Ruth
Weisberg have rightly affirmed how "culture in its various forms now serves as a
primary carrier of globalization...and constitutes an important arena of contestation
for national, religious, and ethnic identity."
49
Paradoxically, globalisation has had
equally a heterogenizing as well as a homogenizing effect on culture and identities,
45
Holmes quoted in Gingrich A. `Neo-nationalism and the reconfiguration of Europe' Social
Anthropology Vo. 14 No. 2 2006 p 199
46
Solomos J. & Wrench J. `Race and Migration in Western Europe' (1993 Oxford: Berg Publishers
Ltd) p 5
47
Castles S. in Solomos & Wrench p 27
48
Huntington S., `The Clash of Civilizations?' Foreign Affairs, Vol. 72, No 3 Summer 1973 p 27
49
Lieber R. J. & Weisberg R. E., `Globalization, Culture, and Identities in Crisis' , International
Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol. 16 No. 2, Winter 2002 p 273
13
Details
- Pages
- Type of Edition
- Erstausgabe
- Publication Year
- 2016
- ISBN (PDF)
- 9783960675853
- ISBN (Softcover)
- 9783960670858
- File size
- 911 KB
- Language
- English
- Institution / College
- University of Sheffield
- Publication date
- 2016 (September)
- Grade
- First-class honours
- Keywords
- Leitkultur Right Wing Party Globalization Racism Refugee policy National Alliance Lega Nord Neue Rechte Alleanza Nazionale
- Product Safety
- Anchor Academic Publishing
