Resisting under Occupation. A Palestinian – Uyghur Comparison

Schuster, Daniel James

Resisting under Occupation. A Palestinian – Uyghur Comparison

Politics - International Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict Studies, Security

Summary

This comparative study of the resistance behavior between the Palestinians and Chinese Uyghurs delineates the commonalities of the two case studies in terms of circumstances and resistance behavior, while creating its research puzzle from their differences of the latter. The research question asks what explains the variation in resistance behavior between the two groups given their similarities.
The study analyses the commonalities and differences of resistance behavior with regards to a „resistance spectrum”, starting with ‘frames’ („How is the conflict framed?”), continuing with an investigation of the non-violent forms of action-based resistance (poetry, songs, protests, etc.), concluding with an analysis of the violent forms of resistance. The study relies upon four different theories in its hypotheses’ development in order to test different variables for explaining the research puzzle.

Excerpt

(

1-3

In Memory Of

Judith Ann Schuster

The best Mother & friend who ever lived

Thanks for everything

Dedicated to

Peter Schuster

The best Father & supporter who ever lived

Thanks for everything

Man can be only be satisfied by action. Now, to act is to transform what is real. And to

transform what is real is to negate the given. In the Slave's case, to act effectively

would be to negate Slavery - that is, to negate the Master.

Alexandre Kòjeve, Introduction to the Reading of Hegel:

Lectures on The Phenomenology of Spirit

One of the most potent attractions of a mass movement is its offering of a substitute for

individual hope. This attraction is particularly effective in a society imbued with the

idea of progress. For in the inception of progress, "tomorrow" looms large, and the

frustration resulting from having nothing to look forward to is the more poignant.

Eric Hoffer, The True Believer: Thoughts on the

Nature of Mass Movements

Kojève, Alexandre, and Raymond Queneau. Introduction to the Reading of Hegel: Lectures on the Phenomenology of

Spirit. New York: Basic, 1969: 54.

Hoffer, Eric. The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements. New York: Harper and Row, 1951: 23-

Author's Note

In an increasingly "flatter world,"

new connections amongst people, movements and societies are

made that have hitherto not existed. Individuals and groups today have access to information about

history, politics, religion, news, etc. in novel ways and on ever-evolving platforms. In particular, the

internet provides many forums of exchange in which people from diverse regions may learn from one

another, find like-minded individuals and groups, communicate, become friends and forge plans.

These new possibilities create new realities that sometimes evolve into dynamics with political

significance. Social exchanges lead to new alliances, self-understandings, ideas, opportunities and

motivations. Just as they may inspire individuals in different locations, they may also inspire

movements and whole societies around the globe. An event in one place may lead to a chain of events

in another. Politics thus finds itself entangled within a growing network of impulses and streams of

influences, exposed to an increasingly changing and developing array of causations.

It is these new dynamics that also warrant new explorations and investigations by social scientists.

Social scientists too must keep up with the pace of increasing interconnectivity between political

elements around the world. They too must pursue and keep track of novel links between relevant

actors, sometimes leading to new research emphasizes hitherto not prioritized.

This thesis is such an endeavor. It investigates connections and draws parallels that already exist but

are fairly novel and understudied, focusing on two social groups: the Palestinians and the Uyghurs.

Part of the justification for this comparison is that the connections between the two groups today are

significantly greater than in previous times, which also implies that the comparison may be even more

relevant in future. In this sense it is, therefore, a "forward-looking" thesis that attempts to investigate

relations the author believes will only be increasingly investigated in future.

Even though I have tried my best to purge the reasoning provided in this thesis of subjective or

emotional influences, it is nonetheless a very personal thesis to me. This is because the two case

studies the Palestinians and Uyghurs are intrinsically related to the two countries of greatest

curiosity and emotional meaning to myself: Israel and China (myself being Austrian). It is these two

countries I have been fascinated by and in which I have spent several years living as a student and in

work-relations and have formed many personal and professional ties and attachments to. It is these

two countries that have had an enormous impact on my personal life and have shaped my intellectual

and emotional side, as well as my personality in partly still very formative years.

In this thesis I weave together two cases, countries and regions that have been intellectual focal points

of mine for many years. It is my hope that I can thereby draw attention to connections thus far largely

unexplored, inspire further research into the relations between the Palestinians and Uyghurs in

particular, and Israel and China in general, while concurrently extracting valuable insights into the

academic discussions to better understand the two case studies as well as their respective countries

under which they are resisting.

Tel Aviv, August 2016

A term borrowed from Thomas Friedman's book "The World Is Flat". See: Friedman, Thomas L. The World Is Flat:

A Brief History of the Twenty-first Century. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005.

Table of Contents

1. Introduction ... 1

a) Introduction to the Thesis ... 1

b) Background to the Case Studies ... 2

c) The Research Puzzle ... 3

d) The Research Question ... 5

e) The Argument ... 5

f) The Research Design ... 6

g) Outline of the Thesis ... 7

2. Methodology ... 8

a) Comparative Case Study ... 8

b) Justification for a Comparative Study of the selected Case Studies ... 8

c) Sources ... 13

d) Limitations of Methodology and Research Design ... 14

e) The Interdisciplinary Nature of the Comparative Study ... 16

3. Empirical Background to the Case Studies ... 18

a) Background: The Palestinian Resistance Behaviour ... 18

b) Background: The Uyghur Resistance Behaviour ... 31

4. Research Design ... 46

a) The Research Puzzle Revisited ... 46

b) The Research Question Revisited ... 49

c) The Argument Revisited ... 49

d) The Four Theories ... 52

e) Justification for the Selection of the Theories ... 67

f) The Four Hypotheses ... 71

5. Analysis ... 76

a) Hypothesis 1: Framing Theory ... 76

b) Hypothesis 2: Pearlman's Mediational Theory of Conflict ... 84

c) Hypothesis 3: Chenoweth and Stephan's Civil Resistance Theory ... 90

d) Hypothesis 4: Regime Type Theory ... 98

6. Findings, Implications and Conclusion ... 110

a) Summary of Findings ... 110

b) Implications for Theory ... 112

c) Implications for Policy ... 117

d) Conclusion ... 118

7. Appendix ... 12

8. Bibliography ... 12

List of Tables

Table 1: Frames employed amongst Israelis and Palestinians ... 21

Table 2: Palestinian disturbances in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, 1988 1992 ... 29

Table 3: Extant causal explanations for the relationship between democracy and terrorism ... 66

Table 4: Unarmed protest incidents and shooting incidents during the First Intifada ... 92

Table 5: List of Xinjiang-Related Violent Incidents, 2013-2014 ... 12

List of Graphs

Graph 1: Frequency of violent attacks in Israel (Global Terrorism Database) ... 29

Graph 2: Relationship between violent events in Xinjiang vis-à-vis China in total,

from 1993 to 2005 ... 44

Graph 3: Number of violent events in Xinjiang from 1949 to 2005 ... 44

Graph 4: Types of resistance activities employed by Palestinians and Uyghurs ... 48

Graph 5: Violent incidents in Xinjiang in relation to China ... 102

1. Introduction

a) Introduction to the Thesis

In their histories of resistance, the case studies examined in this thesis, the Palestinians and

Uyghurs, have invoked various methods of resistance, such as poetry, song, throwing Molotov

cocktails, suicide attacks, and more. One mark of the resistance activities of both societies is their

creativity in both form and content. This thesis will provide many examples of resistance activities

and demonstrate their diversity. However, a point of particular interest to this thesis its intellectual

starting point is a telltale difference between the two groups. Amongst the Palestinians, this

creativity is peculiar in the following way: Palestinian society has gone to great lengths to

demonstrate sophistication, consistency and endurance in expressing its resistance to the Israeli

occupation in manifold ways, engaging in virtually all forms of resistance possible. The creativity

of Uyghur resistance is, relatively viewed, peculiar in the following manner: they have shown not

only great sophistication in resisting the Chinese authorities, but also great consistency in avoiding

and circumventing the Chinese authorities. They have formed a consistent pattern regarding how

not to resist in terms of forms and content.

This consistent pattern regarding the Uyghur resistance behavior is captured, slightly

metaphorically, in the following phrase: from poetry to terrorism. Whereas the Palestinians and

Uyghurs share many modes of resistance in common, amongst the Uyghurs there has mostly been a

conspicuous absence of some forms and contents, in particular some confrontational ones vis-à-vis

the authorities, which were hitherto found only amongst the Palestinians. So while amongst the

Palestinians there has been no conspicuous shift in their resistance activities, amongst the Uyghurs

we see a conspicuous leap symbolic, not literal from poetry to terrorism. Until now the Uyghur

resistance has been different by forming a consistent pattern of action repertoire, skipping "in

between" forms of resistance.

This phenomenon lies at the heart of this thesis and serves as its starting point of investi-

gation.

The time frame of this thesis is the totality of the resistance under perceived occupation of

the two case studies. In the Palestinian case this commenced in 1967 and lasted until 2005 regarding

the Gaza strip, and until today regarding the West Bank

, while in the Uyghur case in commenced

in 1949 and lasts too until today.

b) Background to the Case Studies

The two cases that have been selected for this thesis possess enough similarities to justify a

comparison, but fall under two different regime types. The selected cases are, first, the Palestinians

resisting under Israeli occupation and, second, the Uyghurs of the Western province of Xinjiang in

China, resisting under the autocratic regime of the People's Republic of China.

Some introductory

remarks on their resistance history in the context of this thesis are necessary.

The Palestinians have resisted in various ways against Jews in Palestine ever since awareness of

Zionist independence aspirations arose in the minds of the local Arab population in Palestine,

starting as early as the First Aliyah to Ottoman Palestine in 1882. Of particular interest for the

purpose of this thesis, however, is the Palestinian resistance under occupation that began in 1967,

following the Six Day War. This thesis focuses on the insurgency type of resistance, violent and

nonviolent, not on military confrontations by standing armies, as was the case in the wars of 1948,

1956, 1967 and 1973. It ponders resistance of and by the Palestinian people, not of and by their

The governing structures in the West Bank are more complicated since the Oslo Accord of 1993, since another actor

the Palestinian Authority too is charge of certain areas and too engages in the repressive policies of the kind this thesis

addresses. The thesis will ignore the role of the Palestinian Authority in any explicit fashion.

The Economist Intelligence Unit, which ranks the world's countries in terms of democratic character, categorizes

Israel as a "flawed democracy" and lists it in 36

place, while categorizing China as "authoritarian" and placing it at

144. See: "Democracy Index 2014. Democracy and Its Discontents." Country Analysis, Industry Analysis. The Econo-

mist Intelligence Unit, Web. 12 Aug. 2015. http://www.sudestada.com.uy/Content/Articles/421a313a-d58f-462e-9b24-

2504a37f6b56/Democracy-index-2014.pdf

Arab neighbors. Additionally, it concentrates on the Palestinian resistance against what they per-

perceive as Israeli occupation, not Jordanian or Egyptian as was the case prior to the Israeli occupa-

occupation. Thus, the types of resistance under consideration are those post the 1967 Six Day War

until today.

In the case of the Uyghurs, the insurgency type of resistance is rooted in the

occupation/incorporation of Xinjiang into the People's Republic of China by the Chinese

communists in late summer 1949 under the leadership of Mao Ze-Dong. The ruling parties of

Xinjiang, the Kuomintang in coalition with the Second East Turkistan Republic, both largely

peacefully surrendered to the invading Communists, and agreements were reached with both parties

in the autumn of 1949. Henceforth the territory was declared "liberated" and declared the "Xinjiang

Uyghur Autonomous Region" in October 1955.

The first recorded uprising in Xinjiang against the

People's Republic of China rule took place in December 1954: dubbed the "Hotan Uprising," it

"was premeditated and prepared over a long time" and its "objective was to overthrow the CCP

government in Xinjiang."

Uprisings of the insurgency type by the local population against what

they perceive as Chinese occupation have henceforth continued throughout Xinjiang's history until

today and will be considered in this thesis.

c) The Research Puzzle

The research puzzle addressed in this paper relates to the different resistance patterns of the two

case studies. Looking at the resistance activities both groups have engaged in throughout the

contemporary history of their resistance movements, it is evident that, on the one hand, the

Palestinians and Uyghurs do share a significant repertoire of methods of resistance in common,

Bovingdon, Gardner.

"Heteronomy and Its Discontents." Governing China's Multiethnic Frontiers. Ed. Rossabi Mor-

ris. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2014: p. 117.

Rahman, Anwar. Sinicization beyond the Great Wall: China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region. Leicester, UK:

Matador, 2005: p. 50.

ranging from nonviolent modes such as framing, songs, poetry and scholarship to violent modes such

as violent attacks, throwing Molotov cocktails, assassinations and suicide martyrdom. All of these

methods have been employed in both cases at some time. On the other hand, the difference identified

in the form of resistance patterns has two main aspects:

The first aspect relates to the types of resistance actions. Certain types are found almost only in

the case of the Palestinians, whereas they hardly occur in the case of the Uyghurs. Examples of these

are protests, rallies, boycotts, "resistance speeches" in public and in universities, policies of mass

noncooperation with the authorities, etc. These types of resistance have occurred in the history of

Palestinian resistance, especially during the intifadas, while they have hardly ever occurred in the

history of Uyghur resistance to Chinese rule. The difference between the case studies in terms of

forms/types of resistance activities leads to a kind of "U-shaped" resistance pattern only amongst the

Uyghurs (the vertical lines of the "U" representing symbolically not literally poetry and terrorism).

It is as if the Uyghurs have leapt "from poetry to terrorism" while skipping forms of resistance one

would expect "in between" poetry and terrorism, as exemplified by the Palestinian case.

The second aspect in which Palestinian and Uyghur resistance differ relates to the vocality of

their resistance activities. This aspect has two elements. The first relates to the content of the resistance

activities. Given the same types of resistance, the Palestinians tend to pursue and express their

resistance in a more vocal, open and explicit manners than the Uyghurs. When engaging in resistance

in the form of, for example, poetry or song types of resistance the Palestinians and Uyghurs both

share in common the Palestinians possess both vocalities of expression: covert and overt, indirect and

direct, implicit and explicit. The Uyghurs, however, in general strongly tend to engage only in covert,

indirect and implicit resistance. Second, regarding ex-post claims for violent forms of resistance, e.g.,

acts of terrorism,

this difference in vocality is expressed by the fact that Uyghur

This thesis relies upon a definition of terrorism proposed by Dr. Boaz Ganor: "Terrorism is a form of violent struggle

in which violence is deliberately used against civilians in order to achieve political goals (nationalistic, socioeconomic,

ideological, religious, etc.)." See:

Ganor, Boaz. The Counter-terrorism Puzzle: A Guide for Decision Makers. New

Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 2005: p.17.

perpetrators/organizations tend not to claim responsibility publicly for an attack, while Palestinians

do. Thus, when using the same types of resistance forms the Palestinians may have much greater

"vocality" in terms of both content and ex-post claims.

The research puzzle of this paper relates to the following question: Given that Palestinians

and Uyghurs share many factors in common,

what explains the difference in their resistance

behavior?

d) The Research Question

This thesis asks the following question: "What explains the variation in the resistance behavior

between the Palestinian and Uyghur resistance movements?"

e) The Argument

This thesis claims that the best explanation for this variation is state repression as a function of

regime type. This shall be demonstrated by the Palestinian Uyghur case study.

As regards the terminology used here, "state repression" in this thesis means the state's

resistance against an occupied people's efforts on behalf of their political aspirations against the

perceived occupation. In both case studies, the political aspirations involve either political

sovereign independence or full and equal civil rights.

Repressive state policies against such efforts

include the way the repressive governments frame i.e., describe, attribute moral values to, etc.

the repressed communities in the media, news, literature, etc.; and the restriction of freedoms of, for

example, expression, religious practice and belief, movement, work, organization, education, etc.

Such conduct is typically exemplified by unequal opportunities for the occupied people to publish

This point will be expounded upon under section 2b): "Justification for the Selection of the Case Studies."

Some elements amongst the resistors against the occupation in both case studies actually want neither political inde-

pendence nor full civil rights, but rather the extermination of their opponents or a complete dismantling of their oppo-

nents' political system and sovereignty. For simplicity's sake I will, however, ignore these claims, as their inclusion

would not add value to the analysis.

information, obtain jobs, and organize public and private events, besides lacking a basic feeling of

being safe, especially when engaging in resistance activities.

"[S]tate repression as a function of regime type" has been selected in this fashion due to the

author's belief in a close relationship between state repression and regime type. The author claims

that the same official state repression can translate differently on the ground, depending on regime

type.

Moreover, state repression as a function of regime type has been selected due to the author's

belief in a preliminary relevance of this factor over all other relevant factors in the context of

resistance under occupation.

"Regime type" refers to the categories of forms of government as defined in the academic

literature, including the state structures and set of rules that define the relationship between a

government and state vis-à-vis its society. The main categories are liberal and illiberal democracy,

authoritarianism, and dictatorship, including their respective subcategories. Broadly speaking, this

thesis deals with the regime types of authoritarianism versus democracy.

f) Research Design

This thesis employs a descriptive research design by conducting a systematic comparative case

study of two cases, the Palestinians and Uyghurs, with regard to their resistance behavior. It

explores separate hypotheses, each drawn from a different background theory. These theories are,

first, framing theory; second, Wendy Pearlman's organizational mediation theory of protest; third,

Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan's civil resistance theory; and fourth, regime type theory.

The

The suggested relationship between regime type and state repression is addressed in greater detail in section 4c) as

part of the theoretical explanation of "The Argument."

This point is elaborated upon under section 6) "Findings, Implications and Conclusion," specifically under 6b) "Im-

plications for Theory."

The regime types will be described in greater detail in section 4d) addressing the regime type theory.

It needs to be clarified that regime type theory as such does not exist. Invoking `regime type theory' means referring

to the existing body of literature on the discussion of regime type and terrorism where a proper theory has not yet been

fully developed. I label it a `theory' nevertheless for the sake of consistency.

first two theories do not take the factor of state repression based on regime type into consideration

at all, the third only in an implicit manner, whereas the fourth does so explicitly.

Each hypothesis claims to be able to explain the research puzzle and is tested with regard to

this claim.

g) Outline of the Thesis

The thesis is divided into the following chapters, not including the present introductory chapter:

Chapter 2 entitled "Methodology" focuses on the selected methodology of the research

in a comprehensive sense. It deals with the justification for the selection of the case studies, outlines

the research methodology, elaborates upon the sources utilized, draws attention to the limitations of

the methodology as well as of the research design, and points out the research design's

interdisciplinary nature.

Chapter 3 entitled "Empirical Background to the Case Studies" provides a fairly in-

depth empirical background to the selected cases with regard to their resistance behavior. It offers

the necessary background knowledge for understanding the research design in detail, and provides

the literature review on the empirical aspect of this thesis.

Chapter 4 entitled "Research Design" revisits the core elements of the research design. It

describes the research puzzle in greater detail, restates the research question in greater detail,

restates the argument in greater detail and provides a theoretical explanation for it, outlines the

invoked theories, presents their justification, and formulates the hypotheses. The outline of the

theories provides the literature review of the theoretical aspect of this thesis.

Chapter 5 entitled "Analysis" is comprised of the analysis of the case studies by testing

the four hypotheses. This will be done by way of applying the selected theories to the case studies.

Chapter 6 entitled "Findings and Conclusion" summarizes the findings based on the

analysis of the four hypotheses, elaborates on their implications for theory and policy, and offers

concluding remarks.

2. Methodology

a) Comparative Case Study

The methodology employed for this research has several characteristics. First, it is a comparative

study of two case studies. Second, it is qualitative since it conducts its analysis based on narrative

descriptions of the case studies rather than data or statistical analysis. Third, the methodology

constitutes a `theoretical research' endeavor with regard to the hypotheses invoked, since each

hypothesis derives from a specific theory, while the analysis is theoretical as well as empirical.

Based upon its analysis, the thesis suggests theoretical as well as policy-relevant implications.

b) Justification for a Comparative Study of the Selected Case Studies

One of the motivations for a comparative case study of the Palestinians and Uyghurs is simply to

study the case of the Uyghurs from a perspective nonexistent in the literature on the Uyghurs.

Studying the Uyghurs is pertinent for at least five reasons: First, the situation of the Uyghurs in

Xinjiang is an increasingly violent one. Uyghur scholars usually identify the Baren attack of 5 April

1990 as a turning point in the Uyghur resistance,

although the June 2009 Urumqi attack is often

seen as the major event, China's "9/11."

Since the latter, and especially in the last years, an

increase in Uyghur terror activity is observable.

Second, the case of the Uyghurs is an

understudied one in the academic as well as popular world, at least relative to the Palestinian case.

Although during the 1980s and beforehand riots too occasionally erupted, in particular, as James Millward points out, during

the time of The Great Leap Forward (1959 - 1961) as well as during the Cultural Revolution (1966 - 1976). See Millward, James

A. Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Washington, DC: East-West Center Washington, 2004: viii.

Discussed in: Millward, James. "Introduction: Does The 2009 Urumchi Violence Mark A Turning Point?" Central Asian

Survey 28.4 (2010): 347-60. Also, Michael Clarke calls it the point of the "internationalization" of the Uyghur issue. See: Clarke,

Michael. "China, Xinjiang and the Internationalization of the Uyghur Issue." Global Change, Peace & Security 22.2 (2010):

213-29.

Shan and Ping write: "In recent years, however, there has been a significant increase in the number of incidents and casualties":

Shan, Wei, and Xiaojuan Ping. "Rising Terrorism and China's New Policy in Xinjiang." East Asian Policy 6.4 (2014): 114.

Also, Mackerras predicted in 2013: "So in my view we are set for a period of very tense ethnic relations in Xinjiang, especially

between Uighur and Han. It will probably get worse in the near term, and the July 2009 riots did a great deal to exacerbate al-

ready existing hatreds." See: Mackerras, Colin. "Xinjiang in 2013: Problems and Prospects." Asian Ethnicity 15.2 (2014): 249.

For a list of terror attacks in 2013 and 2014, see Appendix A.

Given the fact that the Uyghurs are similar in number of population to the Palestinians,

they too

have a large and organized diaspora, and are situated in China the second strongest economic

power in the world and the biggest country in terms of population it is surprising how little

scholarly attention the Uyghur people have received,

although research in this field has gained

momentum in recent years.

Third, the Uyghur resistance movement is not only an Islamic social

movement but also an Islamic resistance and separation/independence movement. It can therefore

be studied in light of the existing knowledge about Islamic resistance movements and make its own

contributions to this body of literature. This point is especially relevant in light of the fact that the

Uyghurs are increasingly looking to other Islamic resistance movements globally in order to learn

from them and adopt their concepts and strategies.

Fourth, although the Uyghurs are, generally

speaking, a resistance movement under a single-party autocracy (China), they nevertheless live

under an idiosyncratic and evolving autocratic regime. If not for China's regime type and its unique

policies towards the Uyghurs, the evolution of the movement would probably have followed a very

different path. A study of the Uyghur case will also increase our understanding of the Chinese

regime and government. The Uyghur case study can therefore deliver insights not only into Uyghur

society, but also into the relationship between regime type and resistance movements, besides

helping us better understand China's regime character and its policies. Fifth, the connection

between the literature on the Uyghurs and bodies of literatures from different academic disciplines,

such as political science or social movements, has been very limited thus far. Although Uyghur

scholars have occasionally relied on established theories for explaining phenomena, these have

mainly come from the fields of anthropology, sociology or history. In this thesis the Uyghur case

will be linked with theories from different fields.

The total number of Uyghurs is estimated at 10.35 million while the Palestinians are estimated at 11 million in total.

Restrictions in movement and research permission for foreign researchers are the main reason.

This claim is based on personal meeting with Uyghur scholar Dr. Joanna Finley Smith and observable in the growing

number of publications on the Uyghur topic.

See, for example: "The Net Is Cast." The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 1 July 2014. Web. 26 Dec. 2015.

Why, however, conduct a comparison with the Palestinian people? First, both movements

are Islamic resistance movements and may be studied and compared in the context of this category

of literature. Second, Palestinians

and Uyghurs share a similar self-perception: both view

themselves, generally speaking, as victims of occupation, colonization, oppression and

discrimination. In addition, they see themselves as victims of environmental exploitation of their

habitat, land robbery, discrimination in the job market at the hands of their occupiers, and as the

militarily, politically and economically weaker side. Third, both Palestinians and Uyghurs have

reinvented/redefined their identity in the course of the 20th century for the purpose of nationalistic

aspirations and strategic resistance reasoning.

Fourth, both movements share some circumstantial

framework similarities. For example, the Palestinians were first occupied by other nation-states in

1948 Jordan in the West Bank and Egypt in Gaza before Israel occupied both of these areas

after the 1967 war, while the Uyghurs were occupied

by China in 1949. In both cases these

occupations resulted in waves of refugees,

creating a diaspora that nowadays contributes

significantly to the dynamics of political affairs in the region, the internationalization of the

When using the word "Palestinian," this thesis generally refers to the West Bank and Gaza Strip Palestinians, alt-

hough this limitation sometimes is irrelevant.

Both peoples do have some legitimacy to invoke a pre-20th century identity on linguistic, cultural, religious and geo-

graphical grounds. Lattimor in Pivot of Asia writes that traditionally people in Xinjiang referred to themselves through

localized hometown appellations but revived the term `Uyghur' in 1921 based on a political call. See: Lattimore, Owen.

Pivot of Asia; Sinkiang and the Inner Asian Frontiers of China and Russia. Boston: Little, Brown, 1950: 125-6. Refer-

ring to Lattimore, Finley Smith writes that the name "Uyghur" "was re-adopted in 1934 and came back into use, he

argued, indicated an increasing national consciousness [...] Yet this consciousness was only possible because the oasis

dwellers already possessed a high level of social, cultural and religious homogeneity." See: Finley, Joanne. The Art of

Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. Vol. 30. Leiden, NLD:

Brill's Inner Asian Library, 2013: 92.

Also see: Roberts, Sean R. "Imagining Uyghurstan: Re-evaluating the Birth of the Modern Uyghur Nation." Central

Asian Survey 28.4 (2009): 361-81. Roberts addresses the role of external actors, Uyghur intellectuals, colonialism and

jadidism in Uyghur identity formation.

I will employ the wording from the perspective of the Uyghurs. The Chinese perspective claims a rightful integration

of formerly Chinese territory as well as "liberation" instead of "occupation."

More than 2000 refugees to Turkey alone are reported: Bovingdon, Gardner. The Uyghurs: Strangers in Their Own

Land. New York: Columbia UP, 2010: 138. Many Uyghurs have also fled to central Asian countries and have estab-

lished the central Asian Uyghur diaspora.

The number of Palestinian refugees in 1948 was considerably higher, estimated at 71100 according to the "General

Progress Report and Supplementary Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine, Covering the

Period from 11 December 1949 to 23 October 1950": "A/1367/Rev.1 of 23 October 1950." A/1367/Rev.1 of 23 October

1950. United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine, 1950. Web. 04 Sept. 2014.

conflict, and the perceptions and framings of the respective conflicts.

A further similarity is the

Uyghurs' history of mixed relations with neighboring Islamic ethnicities and states. The

relationship between the Palestinians and their Arab-Muslim neighbors features both support and

conflict, as does the relationship between, for example, Uyghurs and the Islamic Hui minority in

China as well as Tajikistan, Kyrgystan and Kazakhstan.

In short, ideological or religiously

motivated support has often succumbed to pragmatism. Fifth, the political aims of both groups are

comparable. Both either aspire to a "two-state solution," entailing independence and separation

from the occupiers, or demand full civil equal rights (within the framework of a democratic "one-

state solution").

Regarding the latter, however, for both groups the attainment of this goal still

seems very remote. Also, within both groups there are also those who profess to adhere to the "Pan-

Islamic" or Islamist ideology.

Sixth, both Uyghurs and Palestinians are perceived similarly by

their respective adversaries. Israeli Jews tend to view Palestinians in a chauvinistic manner and with

a sense of superiority. This finds expression, for example, in the fact that very few Israeli Jews

trouble to learn the Arabic language. Han Chinese, too, conceptualize their relationship with the

Uyghurs in terms of, for example, "Han Chauvinism,"

and very few Hans have learned the

Uyghur language. Just as many more Palestinians have mastered Hebrew than Israeli Jews have

mastered Arabic, many more Uyghurs have acquired Mandarin than Han-Chinese have acquired the

For research on the influence and workings of the Uyghur diaspora, see: Chen, Youwen. The Uyghur Lobby: Global

Networks, Coalitions and Strategies of the World Uyghur Congress. London: Routledge, 2014.

It need be mentioned that the relationship between the Uyghurs and their Islamic neighbors has never been as close as

that between the Palestinians and their Islamic neighbors. The main similarity, however, is a certain attitude of expecta-

tion for support amongst the Palestinians and Uyghurs vis-à-vis their Islamic neighbors that oftentimes has been frus-

trated. The elites of the neighboring central Asian republics, for example have been coopted by Beijing and are cooper-

ating with Beijing in their common "fight against terrorism" by, for example, handing over Uyghur separatists in their

countries.

A noteworthy difference between the two cases lies in the fact that a substantial portion of the Palestinian society

does not grant their counterparts (i.e. the Israelis) a right to exist, represented by movements such as Hamas or Palestin-

ian Islamic Jihad. Even though Islamist and / or radical Uyghur movements have also been reported about Xinjiang,

such as the East Turkistan Islamic Movement or East Turkistan Liberation Organization, they exist on an incomparably

smaller scale than their Palestinian counterparts. For the purpose of this thesis this difference is a noteworthy observa-

tion but unimportant for the argument made.

In the Palestinian case, for example, Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad. In the Uyghur case, for example, the East

Turkestan Islamic Movement or East Turkestan Islamic Party.

For elaborations on "Han Chauvinism," see: Finley, Joanne. The Art of Symbolic Resistance: Uyghur Identities and

Uyghur-Han Relations in Contemporary Xinjiang. Vol. 30. Leiden, NLD: Brill's Inner Asian Library, 2013: 84-90.

Uyghur language.

Seventh, and perhaps most importantly, the Uyghurs increasingly tend to com-

compare themselves with the Palestinians. According to Finley, the Uyghurs regularly reference

two other people as the groups in a similar plight with whom they most identify: Chechnyans and

Palestinians. As for the latter, she writes: "The Palestine theme was picked up by many

respondents. Back in 1996, a minkaohan

intellectual had expressed deep sympathy for the

Palestinians' situation [...] By 2004, such identifications were pronounced across social groups."

Finley thus captures not only the frequent comparison of Uyghurs with Palestinians, but also the

fact that it is an increasingly common phenomenon across all segments of society. Eighth and lastly,

such a comparative study has not yet been attempted in an explicit and fairly comprehensive

manner and therefore bears the potential to produce new insights into both movements.

Despite these similarities, there is also much dissimilarity between the two groups, as

regards the regime type under which they live, demographic trends,

the number and influence of

the diaspora, the influence and role of neighboring countries, the degree of their limited sovereignty

over land/territory, language (Arabic versus Uyghur), certain cultural background aspects,

and the

respective forms and pattern of resistance and protest. This thesis posits one such variable as its

dependent variable (DV) resistance pattern and another as its independent variable (IV)

regime type.

Finley and Zang write that there are very few instrumental incentives for Han Chinese to study the Uyghur language.

For the Uyghurs, however, such incentives do exist. Moreover, the institutionalization of Mandarin in Xinjiang is purg-

ing the Uyghur language from Xinjiang to the point that some describe it as `linguicide' or `linguistic genocide.' See:

Finley, Joanne Smith, and Xiaowei Zang. Language, Education and Uyghur Identity in Urban Xinjiang. Florence: Tay-

lor and Francis, 2015.

A minkaohan is an Uyghur who has integrated fairly well into Han Chinese society by learning their language, at-

tending a school run by Han Chinese, moving to a Han-dominated city, etc. Some would say that they have assimilated

themselves into Han society. Contrarily, minkaomin is the term for Uyghurs who have failed to integrate.

Finley, Joanne Smith. "Chinese Oppression in Xinjiang, Middle Eastern Conflicts and Global Islamic Solidarities

among The Uyghurs." Journal of Contemporary China (2007): 652.

The Uyghurs have tended to decrease in proportion to the Han Chinese within Xinjiang due to active support for Han

immigration by the Chinese government. The Palestinians in the West Bank, however, have tended to increase in num-

ber

relation

the

Jewish

population.

See,

for

example:

http://cbs.gov.il/reader/shnaton/templ_shnaton_e.html?num_tab=st02_03&CYear=2012

Nonetheless, the greatest cultural commonality is probably their shared religious faith, both belonging to the Islamic

legal school of Hanafi.

DV being the phenomenon to be explained, the IV the variable with which it is explained.

c) Sources

The empirical sources upon which the methodology is based on are of a different nature in the

different case studies. The empirical sources primarily relied upon for the Palestinian case consist

largely of academic literature from the field of political science. The three primary authors are

Wendy Pearlman,

Erica Chenoweth

and Mary Elizabeth King,

who share in common having

written about the Palestinians from a political science perspective. In particular, all of them have

developed their own theoretical theses regarding the Palestinian case in the field of nonviolent

resistance.

The empirical sources primarily relied upon for the Uyghur case are the works of Joanne

Finley Smith,

Gardner Bovingdon

and James Millward.

Whereas the former is an

anthropologist and has largely written with an ethnographical approach, the second is primarily a

sociologist, the third a historian. The differences in the academic background disciplines of the

scholars invoked in this paper are reflected within the writings of the sources used here.

Regarding the sources on the Uyghurs, it furthermore needs to be clarified that much less

material is available in comparison to the Palestinians. Not only is less material available, but it is

also much more limited in terms of disciplinary variety (such as history, sociology, political

science, etc.), quality and quantity. Since the Chinese authorities have been very restrictive towards

foreign journalists or scholars conducting (independent) research in Xinjiang, the amount, kinds as

well as quality of information is limited and, likely, compromised. Besides the Chinese authorities,

this status quo also partly stems from the fact that there are not enough scholars fluent in the

Uyghur language (and Mandarin and English) in order to conduct research of high quality.

Millward points to the compromised nature of Uyghur scholarship, writing:

http://faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/wendy-pearlman/

http://www.du.edu/korbel/faculty/chenoweth.html

http://maryking.info

http://www.ncl.ac.uk/sml/staff/profile/j.smithfinley

http://www.indiana.edu/~ceus/faculty/bovingdon.shtml

http://explore.georgetown.edu/people/millwarj/?PageTemplateID=125

"One must stress, however, that it is difficult for outside observers to generalize about

how Uyghurs feel about these changes though that has not stopped them from

speculating. In the absence of a free press, opinion polling, elections or other tools that

could objectively and in a statistically meaningful fashion assess what Uyghur people,

rural and urban, of different social classes, think about the transformation of the region

and their lives, we have anecdotal evidence from experts, visiting journalists, or even a

tourist with a blog almost always based on brief contacts with a handful of people in

larger cities and leaving an overall impression of Uyghur discontent."

Consequently, there are also fewer theories and case studies about the Uyghurs as compared to the

Palestinians. Nevertheless, the academic study of the Uyghurs is increasingly vibrant and hopes for

more in-depth academic research in the future are high.

d) Limitations of Methodology and Research Design

First, one of the limitations of the methodology of this thesis is the built-in bias of qualitative

research. Both the empirical sources utilized and the implementation of the research design are of a

descriptive nature. The underlying bias is therefore twofold: the bias within the sources themselves,

and the bias in description and skill of the author of this thesis in his implementation of the analysis.

Second, the methodology of this thesis suffers from a selection bias regarding the sources.

The sources utilized here come from well-established and respected authors in their fields.

Nevertheless, they are not the only respected authors researching their topics, and conflicts between

various scholars regarding the material offered and the understanding thereof do sometimes exist.

Also, not all available or relevant material has been integrated into this thesis, which necessarily

suffers from the limitation the bias with regard to the selection of its utilized sources.

Millward, James A. "Introduction: Does the 2009 Urumchi Violence Mark a Turning Point?" Central Asian Survey

28.4 (2009): 349.

Third, the argument is based upon a single independent variable state repression based on

regime type even though several possible IVs could have been selected.

The peculiarity of all

the hypotheses tested in this paper

is that they all are of a "theoretical nature" deduced from

theories instead of stemming from empirical observations.

All possible hypotheses stemming

from empirical observations are ignored in this research design. This thesis is therefore limited to a

unilateral approach in addressing the research puzzle, instead of a multilateral one through testing

the IV of the argument with empirical as well as theoretical hypotheses.

Fourth, the binary nature of the argument testing whether the selected IV is of primary

significance poses the following limitation: if positive, i.e. the IV is established as being of

primary relevance, the question remains as to what extent it is relevant. Or, if negative, i.e. the IV is

established as not being of primary relevance, to what extent is it relevant nonetheless? The

research design of this thesis cannot answer these questions.

Fifth, the comparative study merely compares two cases of resistance under perceived

occupation. The explanatory power of the insights gained through this research is limited to the

selected two resistance movements. The suggested model should also be tested for other

movements under perceived occupation.

Sixth, another limitation stems from the fact that this paper researches the Chinese

autocracy/authoritarianism and the Israeli democracy. Both of these countries have their own

peculiarities that make insights founded upon them limited in extrapolative power. For example,

China's authoritarianism is based upon peculiar internal characteristics, i.e., a one-party system

dominating a relatively homogenous society

with relatively effective control over the country

Possible alternative IVs are identified in section 2b) "Justification for Selection of the Case Studies" section of this

paper.

The "alternative IVs" in this paper are found in hypotheses 1 - 3.

Examples of alternative empirical IVs are found in the section on "Justification for Selection of the Case Studies."

This, of course, does not mean that the analysis sections of the hypotheses do not rely upon empirical data. What it

means is that all selected hypotheses are based upon distinct and already developed theories instead of empirical obser-

vations.

92% of the Chinese population being of the majoritarian Han ethnicity, without any politically contentious religious

divisions.

through its bureaucracy.

This distinguishes China's authoritarianism from, for example,

prerevolutionary Syria, where a religious minority

ruled over a majority. Also Israel's democracy

is atypical, not only due to the fact that it is an occupier, but in many other respects too: its relative

novelty (short history), its politically and militarily turbulent history, being surrounded by relatively

hostile states and non-state actors, etc. Due to such peculiarities of the respective regime types, the

extrapolative power of the case studies is compromised.

Seventh, it needs to be mentioned that both states China and Israel are basically strong

and stable states, not in danger of disintegrating internally. Unlike, for example, pre-revolutionary

Syria or pre-2003 Iraq where a minority ruled over a majority, China and Israel proper may be

considered relatively homogenous societies lacking threats that could break the country apart in

fundamental ways in the near future: the Han ethnicity constitutes 92% of the Chinese population,

and Israel is a majoritarian Jewish state. Both countries exert relatively strong "effective control"

over their territories. Also, both countries are economically fairly developed and not suffering under

widespread unemployment. These factors too need to be taken into consideration when considering

the implications and limits regarding the extrapolative power of this thesis.

e) The Interdisciplinary Nature of the Comparative Study

A peculiar characteristic of this thesis is that the research design is of an interdisciplinary character

as regards sources and theories. It is interdisciplinary since it draws on literature of different

academic disciplines.

The sources relied upon for the empirical facts on the Palestinians are

primarily rooted in the field of political science, specifically the literature on nonviolent resistance.

A 2013 Congressional Research Paper writes that China is "the only Communist Party-led state in the G-20 grouping

of major economies [where] China's Communist Party dominates state and society in China, is committed to maintain-

ing a permanent monopoly of power, and is intolerant of those who question its right to rule". See:

Lawrence, Susan V.,

and Michael F. Martin. Understanding China's Political System.: Congressional Research Service, 2013. Print. CSR

Report for Congress: p. Summary.

Bashar Al-Assad belonging to the Kalbiyya tribe of the Alawite Shi'i sect, comprising 12% of Syria's population.

The interdisciplinary nature of the paper is in keeping with the foundational idea, "spirit" and ethos of the author's

academic institution, the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya.

As noted above, though, the empirical sources relied upon for the Uyghurs primarily stem from the

field of anthropology, being of an ethnographic nature, as well as from sociology and history.

Moreover, the theories invoked in the hypotheses too stem from two different disciplines:

political science and social movement theory. The theories from political science are, again,

subdivided into two different subcategories of literature within their field, namely the literature on

nonviolent resistance as well as regime type. The theory rooted in social movement theory is

provided by the subcategory of framing theory.

Thus, both the sources as well as the theories employed in this thesis are rooted in different

academic disciplines or subcategories, the combination thereof constituting one of the unique

features of the research design, while also posing a unique challenge of implementation. In sum,

this thesis combines the disciplines of political science, anthropology, sociology, history and social

movement theory in its sources and theories.

Last but not least, it is noteworthy how little cross-disciplinary research between the

different disciplines of the two case studies political science in the Palestinian case and

anthropology/history in the Uyghur case has thus far been conducted by prominent scholars of the

respective case studies. A unique feature of this thesis is that it will, perhaps for the very first time

in academic writing, apply theories developed and established in the discipline of one case study

(Palestinians political science) to sources of the other case study (Uyghurs).

3. Empirical Background to the Case Studies

The empirical background review of both the Palestinians and Uyghurs proceeds as follows: first a

brief general introduction to the resistance history, followed by an outline of the resistance types,

with a separate section for each: ideational resistance (passive nonviolent resistance; the framing of

the respective conflict within the discourse of the group as found in the literature), active `covert'

and `overt' nonviolent resistance, and violent resistance.

a) Background: The Palestinian Resistance Behaviour

1. Brief general introduction to the Palestinian resistance movement

The Palestinians are Arabs living in Palestine or descendants of those who trace themselves back to

Arabs who lived in Palestine prior to the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. In the

tumultuous context of the creation of this state, climaxed by the Arab countries' declared war

against Israel, many Arabs of Palestine fled their homes, resulting in large waves of Palestinian

refugees. Emerging victorious from the confrontation, Israel extended its territory to the borders of

the West Bank and Gaza Strip territories occupied by Jordan and Egypt respectively. Following

the Six Day War of 1967, Israel occupied these two territories and the Sinai Peninsula after

defeating the Arab armies militarily. Already before 1967 but particularly since then, nationalism

waxed significantly amongst the Palestinians, and calls for an independent state and a withdrawal of

Israel from the occupied territories became increasingly frequent, vocal and international over time.

Simultaneously, Palestinian resistance increasingly coalesced into a social movement and a

`national cause' amongst most of Palestinian society, and thus the history of resistance against

Israeli occupation has unfolded.

As a social movement and in terms of organizational scope as

well as violent activities, this resistance twice peaked in intensity during the two intifadas, in 1987 -

1993 and 2000 - 2005. Even though the Palestinians have resisted the occupation in certain ways on

a daily basis ever since it started, the resistance activities during the two intifadas increased

manifold in terms of type, frequency, sophistication and lethality. The resistance types ranged from

ideational resistance in the form of descriptions of the conflict situation (by invoking certain frames

that will be explored), to nonviolent activities, such as songs, public speeches, protests, and mass

noncooperation, to acts of violence, such as stone throwing or suicide attacks. Until today

Palestinian resistance has not yet achieved its stated goal an independent Palestinian state or the

dismantlement of Israel as a Jewish state although several lesser objectives have been reached.

Most significantly, the recognition of the PLO as the legitimate political representative of the

Palestinian people, as a result of the Oslo Accords following the first intifada, marked a milestone

in the Palestinian history of resistance.

2. Ideational resistance

The significant role of frames in social movements is well established and has led to the emergence

of the so-called framing theory within the social movement theory.

On a basic level, frames are

understood to be "schemata of interpretation" that enable social movement adherents "to locate,

perceive, identify, and label" incidences in their lives and the world.

According to framing theory,

frames are significant as they identify the problem, attribute the locus of blame, define the scope

It bears mention that resistance developed not only against the Israeli occupation of the newly conquered territories of

the West Bank and Gaza Strip, but also against Israel as a state in Palestine in general. This thesis, however, focuses on

the resistance under the occupation.

See: Snow, David. "Framing Processes, Ideology, and Discursive Fields." The Blackwell Companion to Social

Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub, 2004. Kindle File. Location: 6457.

Goffman, Erving. Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. New York: Harper & Row, 1974:

21.

and sphere of influence of the conflict demarcation lines, and the strength thereof.

In the case of

the Palestinians a set of frames have been identified that have existed for a long period of time in

the public discourse.

According to Wolfsfeld, the Palestinians have, on a broad view, resorted to regarding,

interpreting and promoting occurrences of the conflict through the lenses of an "injustice" and

"defiance" frame, while Israelis tend towards a "law and order" frame.

This means that

Palestinians perceive, select, interpret, promote and justify acts in terms of "injustice and defiance,"

the Israelis in terms of the rule of law and security. Wolfsfeld also devised a "signature matrix to

operationalize both frames"

on the basis of metaphors, stereotyping, lexical choices and visual

images that capture frames that are applied for the purpose of "labelling of individuals, leaders and

groups; labeling of actions; personalization of victims; sources; and content of visual images."

The following matrix provides an overview of frames applied within the discourse about the

Palestinian-Israeli conflict on both sides, offered by Deprez and Raeymaeckers on the basis of

contributions from Wolfsfeld, Gamson and Lasch

and von Gorp.

Benford, Robert D., and David A. Snow. "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment."

Annual Review of Sociology 26.1 (2000): 618 - 622.

Wolfsfeld, Gadi. Media and Political Conflict: News from the Middle East. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997: 145.

Deprez, A., and K. Raeymaeckers. "Framing the First and Second Intifada: A Longitudinal Quantitative Research

Design Applied to the Flemish Press." European Journal of Communication 25.1 (2010): 7.

Ibid.: 7, 9.

Gamson, W., and K.E. Lasch. "The Political Culture of Social Welfare Policy." Evaluating the Welfare State: Social

and Political Perspectives. Eds. S.E. Spiro and E. Yuchtman-Yaar. New York: Academic, 1983: 397-415.

Van Gorp, B. (2004) `Frames in de Nieuwsmedia. Een onderzoek naar het theoretische en meth- odologische poten-

tieel van het concept framing met studies van de asielberichtgeving en haar effecten', PhD dissertation, Universiteit

Antwerpen.

Table 1: Fr

For the pur

ignore the

Palestinian

conceptual

historical a

implication

posit the c

was `imper

Sec

as the `can

Many Pale

ever, deals w

Disregardi

eignty of Jew

King, Mar

2007. Kindle

Becker, Jil

rHouse, 2014

rames empl

rpose of thi

Israeli fram

ns have pe

lize their re

and global

n an extensi

case in such

rialism' of w

cond, such

ncer' and `D

estinians view

with resistance

ing the fact tha

ws over territo

ry E. A Quiet

e-File. Locatio

llian. The PL

4: Kindle-File

loyed among

s paper we

mes. Severa

erceived Isr

elation with

context, th

ion of "the

h terms, exe

which `the Z

historical-p

David and G

w Israelis as su

e the frames pu

at significant

ory in Palestine

t Revolution:

on: 2306/7180

O: The Rise a

e. Location: 13

gst Israelis

will limit o

al points ne

raelis as o

the Israelis

hey tend al

West." In p

emplified b

Zionist entit

political fram

Goliath' fram

uch not only "

ut forth are lim

portions of Pa

e as a form of

The First Pa

and Fall of th

367.

and Palestin

ourselves to

eed be high

occupiers e

s as an "occ

lso to view

particular, o

by, for exam

ty' was only

mes have b

mes, as men

"in the contex

mited to the re

alestinians per

f occupation.

alestinian Intif

he Palestine L

nians

the frames

hlighted: Fir

ver since

cupied and

w Israelis as

organization

mple, the fo

y one aggre

een conjoin

ntioned in t

t of resistance

esistance conte

rceive any pre

fada and Non

Liberation Or

employed b

rst, in the c

the 1967 w

occupier"

s colonizers

ns influence

ollowing cla

essive spear

ned with me

the table ab

e" but in gene

ext.

esence of Jews

nviolent Resis

rganization. 2

by the Pales

context of r

war.

The

relation. In

s and impe

ed by Marx

aim: "The a

rhead."

metaphorical

bove. As Be

eral. Since this

s in Palestine

stance. New Y

2nd ed. New Y

stinians and

resistance

ey strongly

n a broader

erialists, by

ist thinking

arch-enemy

ones, such

ecker points

s thesis, how-

or any sover-

York: Nation,

York: Autho-

out, Yasser Arafat, for example, in his magazine The Voice of Palestine, featured writing "[f]ull of

polemics and promises to fight `the Zionist entity, the cancer in our midst, the agent of

imperialism'"

(emphasis added).

Third, a whole new set of frames regarding Israelis became prominent with the emergence

of Hamas and its religious peers (although to some extent the same already existed long before).

Frames labeling Israelis as `infidels,' `enemies of Islam,' and calling for "an adherence to the

Islamic vision of holy war (jihad) against Israel"

have dominated the Hamas discourse and make

up the core of its ideology. This is evident, for example, from the organization's charter, published

in 1988, which states in Article 1: "The Movement's programme is Islam. From it, it draws its ideas,

ways of thinking and understanding of the universe, life and man. It resorts to it for judgement in all

its conduct, and it is inspired by it for guidance of its steps."

The charter too makes frequent use of

the labels `infidels' and `enemies of Islam,' as well as containing references to colonialism and

imperialism. Edwards and Farrell summarize as follows: "Hamas's credo can be defined simply as

`Islam is the solution.' It offers an Islamic solution to the conflict with Israel, wrapped itself in the

twin banners of religion and nationalism."

3. Active nonviolent covert and overt resistance

In 1984, three years before the outbreak of the first intifada, Mubarak Awad, the founder of the

Palestinian Centre for Nonviolence, provided six reasons why for the Palestinians "the most

Aburish, Saïd K. Arafat from Defender to Dictator. London: Bloomsbury, 2004. Kindle-File. Location: page 23 / 332.

For an overview of the ideologies, i.e., the influence of Marxism, Marxism-Leninism, the fedayeen concept, national-

ism, etc. at play in the different Palestinian groups such as the PFLP, Fatah, ANM, PDFLP, PFLP-GC and PLF, see the

following chapter: Becker, Jillian. "Ideologies." The PLO: The Rise and Fall of the Palestine Liberation Organization.

2nd ed. New York: AuthorHouse, 2014.

Mishal, Shaul, and Avraham Sela. The Palestinian Hamas. Vision, Violence, and Coexistence. New York: Columbia

UP, 2000: 13.

See: "The Avalon Project: Hamas Covenant 1988." The Avalon Project: Hamas Covenant 1988. Web. 30 Sept. 2014.

Edwards, Beverley, and Stephen Farrell. Hamas: The Islamic Resistance Movement. Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2010.

Kindle-File. Location: 60 / 9388.

Details

Pages
Type of Edition: Erstausgabe
Year: 2017
ISBN (PDF): 9783960676652
ISBN (Softcover): 9783960671657
File size: 7.8 MB
Language: English
Publication date: 2017 (June)
Grade: A
Keywords: Uyghurs China Palestinian Palestine occupation Israel Non-violent resistance resistance social movement theory civil resistance framing theory civil resistance theory interdisciplinary study Hamas

Author

Daniel James Schuster (Author)

Resisting under Occupation. A Palestinian – Uyghur Comparison

Summary

Excerpt

Table Of Contents

Details

Author

Daniel James Schuster (Author)